New Delhi:
At 10:30 this morning, with thousands surrounding him at his protest camp in Delhi, Anna Hazare ended his hunger strike against corruption. In his 12-day fast, he has lost more than seven kilos; his doctors say they are worried about the 74-year-old's health.
Two young girls, both wearing Anna topis or caps gave him a glass of coconut water with honey mixed into it. There was standing room only, and barely any of that at Ramlila Maidan, which is designed to hold more than 25,000 people. "We have shown the world the power of a non-violent struggle'" said Anna.
The activist has transformed people's frustration with seemingly-ubiquitous graft into a national movement that he has described, not without criticism, as "India's second freedom struggle." The campaign has allowed India to take a huge new step towards a historic new law against corruption among public servants.
Last night, the Indian Parliament accepted the three demands that were his pre-conditions for ending hunger strike. They endow a new agency with considerable power in investigating government officials accused of venality. The parameters of the new law and it's enacting agency, an ombudsman, will be determined through further scrutiny and debate by parliament. But Anna warned today that India sill not accept a diluted law."People power is bigger than Parliament, if needed," he said.
From Ramlila Maidan, that has been home to the Gandhian and his supporters in one of India's largest sit-ins, Anna is being taken to a hospital in Gurgaon to be thoroughly examined.
In the last few months, he has persuaded thousands to attend his camp in Delhi or march in solidarity in other cities; forced the government to blink first and blink hard; and generated international headlines.
His critics have charged him with hijacking democracy. Anna's challenge to the government was direct: he would not eat till it introduced his team's Jan Lokpal Bill for consideration in Parliament. The Lokpal Bill is named after the agency it mid-wives, which will have nine members with the power to pursue complaints of corruption against public servants. The activist and his advisors, nicknamed Team Anna, wrote off the government's draft as one designed to under-achieve. But not all civil society activists support Anna's draft. Another group led by Aruna Roy has created a third version of the Lokpal Bill. Still other versions exist.
But across parties, politicians including the Prime Minister have thanked Anna for forcing attention on the frustration with the misuse of public offices; and more importantly, the bribe-giving and taking that governs everyday life. "Anna Hazare has become the embodiment of people's concern and disgust with corruption. I applaud him, I salute him," the PM said in Parliament on Thursday.
Rahul Gandhi's stand on Friday indicated a more wary view of Anna's methods. He thanked Anna for articulating the sentiments of the poor on the issue of corruption, but also warned that democratic processes could not be undermined. "We must not weaken the democratic process which is lengthy and elaborate, but is inclusive and fair," Mr Gandhi said. A process that was "divorced from democracy sets a dangerous precedent," he added, pointing out that while today it was about corruption, an important issue, "tomorrow you may have protests for something less universally accepted."
Mr Gandhi's stand was shared by many who argued that Anna was misusing his hunger strike to dictate terms on legislation, willfully undermining Parliament. Despite those accusations and recurring concern about his worsening health by doctors assigned to monitor him regularly, Anna held his ground. From Delhi's sprawling Ramlila Maidan, where he drew blockbuster audiences, the Gandhian negotiated from a position of strength. "
Anna, tum sangharsh karo, hum tumhaare saath hain (Anna, you fight, we are all with you)" became India's more verbose equivalent of "Yes, we can." Anna's topi or cap was seen on newborns, freedom-fighters and women senior citizens. "I am Anna," declared T-shirts sported by students who skipped college to park themselves at Anna's sit-in.
Anna's critics say the rigidity of his team on their vision for the Lokpal and their declaration that they are the non-elected representatives of the people must be questioned.
Anna's anti-corruption movement made its first appearance in April, when he fasted for four days demanding that the government introduce a Lokpal Bill. Various versions of the bill had been debated for 62 years. A series of financial scandals conceived and exercised by politicians and bureaucrats suggested the government had been operating in a continuum of corruption. The country was ripe for a new hero who could become its rallying point.
As many have pointed out, the national support for Anna was not centred upon his version of the Lokpal Bill but his war-cry against corruption. And so as Anna fasted, the streets filled. Stumped, as if it had no suggestion of the people's frustration with graft, the government fumbled, then agreed to Anna's first demands: that the Lokpal Bill would be introduced before the Monsoon Session of Parliament ended, and that Anna and his team would help write it.
It was a dangerous precedent, the government stressed, for non-elected representatives to play a formal role in legislation. But the steely force and expanse of the support for Anna forced it to bend. So five ministers were married with Anna and four of his nominees in a drafting committee to write the bill.
The divorce, as expected, was swift and harsh. After private meetings that ended with public accusations, both sides decided to deliver different versions of the Lokpal Bill. Team Anna said the government was obliged to render both versions in Parliament. The government, in a decision that has haunted it since, reduced Anna's version to a footnote and earlier this month, tabled its own draft. The Opposition, like Anna, questioned the government's decision to exempt the Prime Minister's Office from the purview of the Lokpal. As the BJP's Arun Jaitley said, "Should the world's largest democracy suffer a corrupt PM?"
Team Anna prepped for battle. It declared Anna would start a new hunger strike on August 16 and asked India to participate in "a second freedom struggle." The government shot itself repeatedly in the foot to block the protest. Congress members attacked Anna's reputation, party spokesperson Manish Tewari said he was "seeped in corruption from head to toe."
Anna was denied several locations in Delhi for his mass-protest; then he was granted a park where he was told the crowd had to be limited to 5000 people. When he said he would not follow these restrictions, he was arrested on August 16 and moved to Delhi's high-security Tihar Jail, famous once for hosting the most hardened criminals, and more recently, several politicians accused of bare-faced corruption. The government could not have created a worse PR nightmare for itself. Anna announced his fast had begun. Demonstrations began across the country. Fumbling for an eject button, the government blamed the Delhi Police for arresting Anna; his release was sanctioned the same night.
And then Anna pulled a switcheroo. He refused to leave jail till the government agreed to let him hold his protest without any conditions for how many people could attend or how long he could fast. Ramlila Maidan in Central Delhi was hastily made-over despite the Delhi rain and slush. Four days after he had entered Tihar Jail, Anna emerged, waving from the top of a truck. With close to 2000 people following him, he stopped at Mahatma Gandhi's memorial at Rajghat before arriving to a hero's welcome at his camp on a Friday morning.
That weekend, Anna's drawing power blazed. Unprecedented numbers of people marched from India Gate to Ramlila Maidan. Twice a day, Anna addressed them, always urging them to stay peaceful, and constantly underlining, "Whether I am here or not, you must continue the fight. The torch of revolution has been lit. Don't let anyone extinguish it."
Doctors checked Anna regularly. By Tuesday evening, they said his condition was worrying. The Prime Minister wrote to Anna urging him to end his fast. The government deputed two ministers, Pranab Mukherjee and Salman Khurshid, to talk to Anna's representatives: Prashant Bhushan, Arvind Kejriwal and Kiran Bedi. When the talks headed into vertiginous turf, the Prime Minister finally intervened.
Widely criticised for refusing to comment or in any way address the nation throughout the crisis, on Thursday, Dr Manmohan Singh finally chose Parliament and a debate on corruption to speak about Anna. After paying tribute to Anna, the Prime Minister offered that Parliament could begin a debate on the Jan Lokpal Bill.
The government also decided that Anna's aides were part of the problem. So the PM sent a message directly to Anna through Vilasrao Deshmukh. A senior leader from Maharashtra who has also served twice as Chief Minister, Mr Deshmukh has handled Anna's fasts in his home state on six different occasions. The activist and he share a good rapport. It was agreed that parliament would immediately begin a debate on the Lokpal, and it would focus mainly on Anna's vision of the agency.
Yesterday morning, a compromise glimmered tantalizingly as Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee initiated the debate. The Opposition's Sushma Swaraj delivered a memorable speech which urged MPs to prove to the country that a healthy debate can be conducted without noisy protests or acrimonious exchanges. Just when it seemed like Anna had what he needed to call off his fast, his associates demanded that the discussion in parliament be followed by a resolution and a vote. The BJP said if that's what it would take to win Anna, it was willing to go along. The Prime Minister consulted with senior ministers and Ms Swaraj as well as LK Advani. The close coordination between the Opposition and the government on this crucial Saturday was memorable.
That paved the way for a debate and uninanimous approval for a resolution accepting Anna's three must-have demands. As Pranab Mukherjee presented the resolution and members of both Houses thumped their desks as one, the Indian Parliamant scripted its own bit of history.