(Sidharth Bhatia is a Mumbai based journalist and author)The mammoth swearing-in ceremony of Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis has been variously described as a tamasha, a coronation and even a mini-kumbh mela, the last because of the presence of a large number of saffron-clad, Hindu pandits and religious leaders, who were given super-VIP treatment.
Apart from an estimated 40,000 enthusiastic BJP supporters who thronged Wankhede Stadium, usually a venue for cricket matches, the audience included tycoons, socialites and of course Bollywood stars -- this was Mumbai after all. It was almost a Page 3 gathering, quite different from the usual low-key and understated functions held for swearing-ins.
The BJP, under Narendra Modi, doesn't do understatement. The RSS, to which Modi belongs, as does the new chief minister, has long prided itself on its austerity and simplicity. No ostentation for it. Shakha workers and officials stay in the humblest of quarters and eschew any flash. Not so Modi. He goes in for designer clothes and accessories and whenever he gets the opportunity - election rallies, swearing-in or meetings with adoring NRI fans -- he makes a grand occasion of it.
There have been populist leaders before, but their congregations usually included the huddled masses and the venues were dusty maidans; now, nothing short of a stadium or indeed, the Madison Square Garden will do.
Three characteristics define the post-Modi BJP's events: scale, imagery and media management. The efficient BJP machine, no doubt aided by some professional inputs, has transformed the language of political rallies in the last two years or so. Some indication of that was visible in the Vibrant Gujarat summit, which were humungous affairs attended by the who's who of Indian industry, many of whom then proceeded to heap praise on Modi.
The same template has been now utilized on a national and even international scale. It is worth examining this model closely.
Scale: Big is beautiful as far as Modi is concerned. His own swearing-in in Delhi, held in the forecourt of Rashtrapati Bhavan, was a large affair and given an additional twist by the presence of leaders from SAARC countries, something that has never happened before. In the US, where he was going triumphantly after being denied a visa for years, he did not just meet NRI organisations, but gathered all of them at Madison Square Garden, no less, and created a mega, rock-star event out of it.
The function at Wankhede Stadium too had top film stars attending, but the crowds were there to see and hear Narendra Modi and made that clear by chanting his name.
Imagery: in this age of visual media saturation, optics is all. Lasting perceptions can be created by smart use of imagery and these then get reinforced when they are discussed and debated all over the media. The images must not just hold meaning in themselves, but also symbolize something. The famous Red Fort backdrop during one of Modi's election rallies at Chhattisgarh in September clearly announced his intention to the voters that he intended to be at the real thing soon.
At the Wankhede Stadium, the art director had incorporated Shivaji, the warrior-king, till now the sole political property of the Shiv Sena, as the theme for the evening, thus simultaneously identifying with a name that everyone in Maharashtra knows and also signalling the intent to take over his legacy. Swords, saffron and saints-all of them are always present at political rallies, sending out messages to followers old and new-of strength, tradition and religion.
Media management-The media is a beast, they say, one never knows when it will strike. But the media can also be tamed, or at least managed. That Narendra Modi does not have time for journalists is well known-he doesn't like to be questioned, especially off the cuff. He wants to control the message. He has shut off access to his government. He also realises the value of mass communications. He needs to spread his message far and wide and for that, he has used all the resources available to him-social media before the elections, state radio and television after.
The private media has been co-opted through a variety of techniques. Friendly owners and journalists are all more than willing to chip in, even if he keeps them at arms length; in fact, rather than making them frustrated and angry, this makes them more eager. Often, inconvenient news is brushed out, such as protests outside venues where a mega-BJP rally is being held. There are of course a few dissenting and independent voices and not everyone on the anarchic social media is in thrall of Modi, but they are drowned out by the blitz-like assault of the pro-Modi brigade, whether they be party spokespersons or 'bhaktas', as the vast volunteer army of internet trolls is known.
The result is that the BJP message is out there, forming opinions louder and swifter than anyone else can.
Nothing stopped other parties from trying out these methods. Whether using iconic imagery or gathering crowds, it has all been done before. But the new, refurbished BJP does it better and smarter and it is hardly surprising that it garners the best results.
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