Opinion | Congress's New Dilemma: Will Rahul Agree to Be Leader of Opposition?

Rahul Gandhi's dilly-dallying in accepting the Congress Working Committee's (CWC) June 8 unanimous decision asking him to be the leader of the opposition (LoP) in the Lok Sabha highlights a grievous chink in the armour of the grand old party: indecisiveness. Having been acknowledged as the face of the campaign that propelled Congress from 52 to 99 seats in Lok Sabha, Rahul ought to have promptly thanked the party for reposing faith in him and accepted the offer.

All that party general secretary K.C. Venugopal, a trusted aide of Rahul, said post the meeting was that after having heard the sentiments of the members, he would take a decision soon.

LoPs In The Past

The position of LoP has existed in India's parliamentary system since the days of the Central Legislative Assembly in British India. Motilal Nehru held that position in 1923. During his tenure, he managed to delay legislation, including finance bills, of the Raj. Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi never held the position. Nehru was a three-term Prime Minister; Indira Gandhi lost power and also failed to get elected in 1977. Thus, during the Janata Party's rule, Yashwantrao Chavan and C.M. Stephen functioned as LoP.

For a leader to be formally recognised as LoP, a party in opposition requires a minimum of 10% of the total strength of the House. Until the Congress split in 1969, the Lok Sabha had no LoP. Ram Subhag Singh of the Congress (O) was accorded this recognition in 1969 when more than 10% of MPs joined the exodus against Indira Gandhi. However, the privilege of an LoP getting the status and facilities of a cabinet minister had to wait until 1977, when the Janata regime of Morarji Desai amended the rules.

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Rajiv Gandhi was LoP in 1989-90; the Bharatiya Janata Party's (BJP) L.K. Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee took turns as LoP between 1990 and 1996. P.V. Narasimha Rao served in that position for a fortnight during Vajpayee's short-lived premiership. Sharad Pawar was the Congress party's LoP for just over a year in 1998 before Sonia Gandhi took over the party's reins and also became LoP in the Lok Sabha (1999-2004). During the decade of Congress-led United Progressive Alliance rule (2004-2014), L.K. Advani and Sushma Swaraj were the LoPs in the Lok Sabha.

All Eyes On Rahul

In the past decade, as no party has had a 10% share - the grand old party got 44 seats in 2014 and 52 in 2019 - the leader of the Congress in Parliament in 2014 (Mallikarjun Kharge) and 2019 (Adhir Ranjan Choudhury) were not accorded LoP status. However, for purposes of selecting key government positions, where the statute requires consultation with LoP, they were invited to selection meetings.

With Congress bouncing back with 99 seats (the strength has since grown to 101 with two independents, both Congress members before polls, joining the Congress in Parliament), the decade-long 'banishment' is now over, and the party is looking towards Rahul to be its face against Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

Performance As An MP

If Rahul accepts the job, it will require his presence in Parliament for most days of a session. His attendance as an MP, both from Amethi and Wayanad, between 2004-2019, has not been too encouraging. He went on sojourns abroad when Parliament was in session, and his record in asking questions and participating in debates has been dismal.

During the 2024 Lok Sabha campaign, Rahul boasted about his knowledge of the government system as an insider for years. The real test awaits him now: to provide effective leadership to the 232 INDIA bloc MPs at a time when Narendra Modi heads a coalition of 293-member NDA.

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It may be worthwhile to recall a note in the diary maintained by Indira Gandhi's de facto number two in her last dispensation as Prime Minister. The views of Pranab Mukherjee, who became the President of India, have been recorded in Sharmishtha Mukherjee's book, Pranab, My Father: "He [Rahul] has all the arrogance of his Nehru-Gandhi lineage without their political acumen...Maybe politics isn't his calling."

As LoP, Rahul will have to follow rules and procedures. Frequent absences from House proceedings will not go down well. LoP has to be cautious and responsible.

The Sonia Question

Apart from this dilemma, the Congress is facing another crunch in the Rajya Sabha. After Sonia became the party President in 1998, the Congress constitution was amended to provide that the party chief shall be the chairperson of the Congress in Parliament, even if he or she is not an MP. Sonia's election to the Lok Sabha in 1999 saw her occupying both posts for over two decades. Though she is no longer the Congress President or a Lok Sabha MP, being a Rajya Sabha MP, she has now been re-elected as chairperson of the Congress in Parliament. Thus, Mallikarjun Kharge, the party chief, will be the LoP in Rajya Sabha, with Sonia adorning the front benches of the Opposition.

If Rahul Gandhi indeed becomes the LoP, he may like to carry forward the parliamentary legacy of Feroze Gandhi, the original Rae Bareli MP (1952, 1957), as well as dust the records of his great-great-grandfather, Motilal Nehru, who as the LoP could stall and delay legislation of the British Raj in 1923.

Parliament of India's first successful scam-busting was done by Feroze Gandhi, which led to the resignation of the then-finance minister in February 1958. The then Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, could not find fault with Feroze Gandhi's well-researched, articulated diatribe, which was carried out as per parliamentary rules and procedure. Precedents set in that debate endure in the form of the Speaker's rulings to date.

Will Rahul Gandhi, who has turned the fortunes of his party and nipped the talk of a 'Congress-mukt Bharat', measure up to the expectations expressed in the CWC's resolution? Or will he choose to shun responsibility once again - just as he had winked at Manmohan Singh's offer, supported by Pranab Mukherjee during the UPA regime, that he become a minister and gain administrative experience?

(Shubhabrata Bhattacharya is a retired Editor and a public affairs commentator)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author