Opinion: Haryana Chief Minister's Deceit In Handling The "Namaz" Issue

If anyone had thought that the forcible prevention of Muslims from praying in officially-designated spaces from 2018 was the handiwork of only fringe Islamophobic hate-based groups, the Haryana Chief Minister ML Khattar has set the record straight. In threatening and objectionable language, he warned Muslims on Saturday that his government would not "tolerate" prayers in open spaces and that they should pray at home.

The very framing of the issue by the Chief Minister is designed to mislead people. It is customary for believers to attend congregational prayers on Fridays where a sermon is usually also delivered. On other days, most pray at home. This is the case across the country. Why should the Chief Minister of Haryana specifically order that Muslims should pray at home, as though Muslims are on the road five times a day, every day, praying in open spaces?

Secondly, in his speech, the Chief Minister deliberately avoided stating the facts. In Gurugram, Muslims, who are less than 5 per cent of the population, face a problem for congregational Friday prayers because there are not many masjids in Gurugram. Repeated efforts by representatives of the community to buy land for mosques have been thwarted by official agencies, whereas land has been allotted for other places of worship. Requests have also been made to the government for return of Waqfland presently encroached or being occupied by government agencies where masjids could be built or open spaces walled in for prayers. Although the government did make an assurance in 2018 for return of the land, nothing much has been done since then.

Thirdly, the Chief Minister did not have any explanation as to why the understanding reached in 2018 regarding prayers in open spaces was wantonly disregarded by the administration. In May 2018, objections to prayers in public spaces were made by some organisations. The administration designated 37 spaces for Friday prayers. The Friday prayers last not more than five minutes with two rakaats being read. If a sermon or khutba is recited, it typically lasts for about 15-20 minutes. Most of the spaces designated in Gurugram are not located in residential colonies, but are spaces used for trucks or empty lots adjoining the main roads and industrial areas. So it is not as though there was inconvenience caused to the public or that thoroughfares were being blocked. What was the reason for going back on the agreement? It is reported that the administration has now brought down the number to under ten designated places. This is unjust, unfair and moreover, completely biased.

Instead of finding solutions, the Chief Minister resorts to threats and intimidation. In contrast, there are other citizens who have extended sympathy and support. Many of those joining the Friday prayers are industrial workers employed in the garment and other industries, or are unorganised sector workers. In some factories where there is sufficient space, factory-owners, most of them Hindu, permit their workers to pray on the roof. Clearly, they are concerned about how such communal divisions will affect work in their factory. Whatever the reason, it has a positive impact. There has never been a single incident where fellow workers in factories, also Hindus, have objected. Many residents of Gurugram have also come out in support offering places for prayers.

The last few weeks have seen two parallel trends in Indian politics. The first is the politics of unity as exemplified by the historic victory of the united struggles of the kisans supported by workers. This unity broke communal walls built in various regions and was a critical factor in forcing the government to retreat. The second is a renewed aggression by leaders of the central ruling regime, once again using and misusing religion for narrow political gains such as seen in the words of the Haryana Chief Minister or the Gujarat State Revenue Minister Rajendra Trivedi. He had said that selling non-vegetarian food openly on the roads "hurt the sentiments" of Hindus. Even if this is just plain rubbish, it is designed to strengthen a constituency. If in Gurugram, aggressive Hindutva groups stopped prayers, in Gujarat, the police on the orders of the government prohibited vendors from selling non-veg food and confiscated their goods. In the latter case, it led to sharp indictment by the Gujarat High Court. In UP, almost every speech of BJP leaders, central and state, have a communal thrust. There are many such examples. But what is of additional concern is the ominous trend of the demonizing of a whole community as a "security threat." A video shared by those organizing the abusive protests in Gurugram shows a VHP leader saying "This is not namaz, it is jihad, it is terrorism." This is also the kind of propaganda used when Muslim street vendors are forcibly prevented entry into Hindu localities by Hindutva groups, or even in other residential areas where Muslims are rejected as tenants. It is often linked to the bogey of security to create a sense of fear about a community. This is a deliberate strategy of the Hindutva forces as it fits in with their classic conflation of nationalism and majoritarianism.

The strength of the politics of mass struggles can and has overcome the politics of hate and division as seen in the Kisan struggle. But for this to have a lasting impact, it is necessary to go beyond the spontaneous feelings of fraternity generated during a struggle. A political orientation of a conscious fight against anti-minority mobilizations by the communal forces of division is surely what is required. Any defensive position of ignoring the issue, hoping it will go away, will only embolden the forces who benefit most when people are divided on sectarian lines.

Brinda Karat is a Politburo member of the CPI(M) and a former Member of the Rajya Sabha.

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