When nearly 50 crore people had already taken a dip at Triveni in Prayagraj, reports of traffic jams stretching over a hundred kilometres in all directions on highways leading to the Maha Kumbh surfaced. The city was overwhelmed by a sea of humanity. Some blamed media hype and official publicity, others criticised the Modi government for building a network of smooth highways and improved connectivity, while some simply warned people to stay away.
By the time it ended, 66.3 crore people—according to official figures—had taken the holy dip. That's more than the entire population of Europe, double that of the US, and almost 20 times the combined population of Australia and New Zealand. Those returning from the Maha Kumbh overwhelmingly praised the Modi government at the Centre and the Yogi government in Uttar Pradesh, with only a handful offering complaints.
What does this suggest? The Kumbh is a civilisational event deeply ingrained in Hindu faith. For centuries, people have travelled long distances, often with meagre means and poor connectivity, to experience its spiritual bliss. But in 2025, things were different. Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath sought to organise the event with a level of efficiency and scale never seen before.
In one sentence, this is Modi's art of public mobilisation. After the Maha Kumbh's conclusion, Modi recalled his January 22, 2024 remarks on the Pran Pratishtha of the Ram Mandir in Ayodhya: “I spoke about Devbhakti and Deshbhakti—devotion to the divine and to the nation.” The impact of linking nationalism with India's civilisational spirituality is evident for all to see.
Yes, the government worked for months to fine-tune every detail and ensure the Kumbh's success, but the larger question remains—was it really that simple?
Those who have followed Modi's political rise would recall that by the early 2000s, a common belief among senior political leaders was that the advent of television and 24x7 news channels had made it difficult to mobilise crowds for public rallies. People could simply watch events on TV, which was often cited as the reason for dwindling attendance.
Yet, Modi's rallies in Gujarat began drawing massive crowds in the run-up to the 2002 and 2007 assembly polls. After being named the BJP's Prime Ministerial candidate in 2013, he introduced a new model for organising public events. Gone were outdated loudspeakers; in their place came high-quality sound systems, ensuring clear audio even in sweltering heat. Chairs were provided for attendees, demonstrating respect for their comfort. This resonated with people—and the rest is history.
As Prime Minister, Modi revolutionised public engagement, reshaping how leaders interacted with citizens and executed government processes. While the secular-liberal establishment launched the “Award Wapsi” movement, Modi redefined the Padma awards—shifting recognition from elites to unsung heroes who had spent their lives serving society but had long been overlooked. Over time, this shift cemented itself in the public's consciousness.
What were once mundane government events became participatory spectacles. Modi travelled extensively to lay foundation stones and inaugurate projects, making it easier for local people to join in. His government created a vast new base of beneficiaries across various schemes, directly engaging with tribals, marginalised communities, farmers, women, youth, and the elderly.
India's diversity was put on display for the world. The idea was to show that India was more than just New Delhi and the Taj Mahal. Holding bilateral and multilateral meetings outside the national capital meant these regions were cleaned, beautified, and given a sense of pride. The way the Modi government hosted the G20 stands as a shining example of this approach.
Ultimately, what proved most effective in mass mobilisation was the efficient delivery of goods and services, coupled with efforts to restore the glory of India's cultural symbols and traditions.
Over three decades ago, BJP veteran L.K. Advani launched the Ram Rath Yatra, coining the term “cultural nationalism” as a unifying force for a diverse nation. In the last decade, Modi elevated this concept with his slogan: “Vikas Bhi, Virasat Bhi” (progress with pride). The redevelopment of religious sites—Ram Mandir in Ayodhya, the Kashi Vishwanath Corridor in Varanasi, Mahakal Dham in Ujjain, Kedarnath and Char Dham, and Babadham in Deoghar—has transformed these landmarks. Infrastructure, aesthetics, and hygiene have been vastly improved, boosting local economies and raising service standards beyond imagination.
On the day the Mahakumbh concluded, Modi wrote: “This Mahakumbh in Prayagraj is a subject of study for modern management professionals, planning, and policy experts. Nowhere in the world is there any parallel or example of this scale.”
What he didn't say, however, is that the BJP's mastery of public mobilisation deserves study as well.
(The author is Consulting Editor, NDTV)
Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author
