Opinion | The Dynamics of Muslim Political Participation

Do Muslims have complete faith in Indian politics? This question is often posed as a serious concern to assess the political participation of common Muslims in the institutional life of the country. On one hand, Muslim engagement with politics is seen as a conscious strategy to maximise communal interests. There is an old argument that active Muslim participation in electoral processes has always been interest-oriented, and hence, their patriotism and loyalty towards the nation are questionable.

On the other hand, it is claimed that Muslims feel alienated in the current environment as a threatened minority, and for that reason, their faith in politics is almost shattered. A section of pro-minority intellectuals and public commentators tend to claim that Muslims are gradually getting alienated from political life.

These simplistic responses are problematic. Muslim participation in politics is a multifaceted phenomenon and should always be examined in its entirety. Muslims' faith in politics could be taken as a point of reference to make a serious comment on the ever-changing relationship between common citizens (in this case, Muslim communities) and the political system. More specifically, three facets of this relationship are important for our analysis-acceptance of voting as a decisive tool, evolving new forms of political mobilisation, and finally, the constitution of caste/religion-based communities of voters at the grassroots level.

Voting as a Ritual

CSDS-Lokniti surveys, especially the post-poll studies conducted after the elections, have shown that Muslim turnout has not decreased in the Modi era. In fact, one finds a slight increase in Muslim turnout in 2019 (60%) compared to 2014 (59%). Although it is true that Hindu turnout (over 70% in 2019) has noticeably increased in this period, the data does not indicate that Muslim communities have stopped taking national elections seriously. This is also true for the assembly elections, where Muslims enthusiastically participated in voting during state polls.

The acceptability of voting as a legitimate political action is also visible at the grassroots level. Recent ethnographic studies have demonstrated that Muslim communities, like other socio-religious groups, recognise elections as a ritual. Mukulika Banerjee's groundbreaking book, Cultivating Democracy: Politics and Citizenship in Agrarian India (2022), is very relevant in this regard.

Examining the nature of Muslim political engagement in a village in West Bengal, Banerjee shows that Muslim communities in rural India treat elections as a festive event. She argues that democratic processes have produced a unique culture that encourages local communities, including Muslim groups, to participate in elections as a ritual. In other words, Muslims envisage elections as a cultural event deeply associated with their everyday life issues and concerns.

Mobilisation as Bargain

Voting as a ritual, Banerjee's study reminds us, is not the only mode by which Muslim communities engage with political processes. She shows that elections are also viewed as an appropriate occasion to establish effective communication with members of the powerful political class. Muslim groups, including caste-Biradari-based panchayats, bargain with political parties at the constituency level. These negotiations are often led by elites on behalf of the concerned Muslim community.

These political bargains are not restricted to rural India. Muslim communities, especially the poor and marginalised groups living in urban slums and semi-urban regions, also interact with the political class in a similar manner. Elections, in this sense, turn out to be a reference point to revive the broker-client-patron configurations at the bottom level of society. Professional politicians act as patrons. They seek the help of brokers (activists, influencers, and even community elites) to reach out to clients (common Muslim voters). Adam Michael Auerbach and Tariq Thachill's recent book, Migrants and Machine Politics: How India's Urban Poor Seek Representation and Responsiveness (2023), is an excellent source to capture this trend.

This study also finds that the relationship between the BJP and Muslim communities at the grassroots level is very different from the prevalent media-driven debates. The book shows that at the highly localised level of slums, and even at the level of urban municipal wards, the BJP appears willing to include Muslims within its ranks, and Muslim brokers appear willing to join the BJP. In fact, there were 46 (almost 27%) Muslim brokers in their sample who were affiliated with the BJP.

Communities Of Voters Or Vote Banks?

This example is useful in two ways. First, it elucidates the fact that Muslim communities do not necessarily participate in the electoral processes with a set agenda. They engage with all political players/coalitions at the constituency level. This is precisely the reason why we find that almost 9% of the Muslim vote goes to the BJP at the national level (CSDS-Lokniti post-poll 2014, 2019 surveys).

Second, it also underscores a fundamental truth about Indian political life. Social and religious communities do not hesitate to transform themselves into what may be called 'communities of voters' at the constituency level. This is also true for Muslim groups. They come together to assert themselves as a collective entity. However, religious affiliation is not the only criterion that encourages Muslims to become a consolidated group of voters. Often, caste configurations play a decisive role, especially in areas where Muslims are in the majority.

The Bihar assembly election of 2020 is a good example in this regard. Muslim caste-groups became the 'community of voters' in the Muslim-dominated Seemanchal region. However, this was not the case with the rest of the seats where Muslims were not powerful. The CSDS-Lokniti Bihar 2020 (post-poll) survey also confirms this trend (source). It simply means that Muslim communities, like any other religious or caste groups, become a community of voters, if not a vote bank, at the constituency level.

This complex, multifaceted, and, in a way, evidence-based story of Muslim political participation reminds us that Muslim voters are very much situated in the cultural universe of Indian politics. The idea of strategic voting, therefore, should not be seen as a Muslim-specific phenomenon. It is an unwritten norm of Indian electoral politics, which is followed by all social and religious communities at the constituency level.

(Hilal Ahmed is Associate Professor, Centre for the Study of Developing Societies.)

Disclaimer: These are the personal opinions of the author.