Uddhav and Raj Thackeray, Cornered Together

(Kumar Ketkar is a senior journalist, political commentator, globe trotter and author. He has covered all Indian elections since 1971 and significant international events. He is a frequent participant on TV debates.)

No Congress politician can claim to be an artist. Uddhav Thackeray is an acclaimed and accomplished photographer. And estranged cousin Raj is a recognized caricaturist. Uddhav spends a lot of time in following what is the latest in the art of photography -- latest cameras, lenses, literature on "light and shades", and the various styles of leading photographers in the world. In fact, he is more passionate about photography than politics! Uddhav has done some dazzling topographical photography of forts in Maharashtra. These photos are not just an impressive historical documentation, they also show the magnificent grandeur of the Sahyadri mountain ranges.

Raj's talent and penchant lies in political cartooning, which he inherited from his uncle and Shiv Sena founder, the late Balasaheb Thackeray. Raj is also interested in paintings in general. He proudly shows to visitors his unique collection of the works of David Low, the world-famous British cartoonist who made even Winston Churchill introspect on his politics. He also has in his possession some rare paintings. Raj is a huge fan of Hollywood classics, nor just for entertainment, but for studying film as art--photography, direction, acting and even music. (By the way, he brought Michael Jackson to Mumbai in 1996 for a musical extravaganza).

Both Uddhav and Raj are products of the famous J J School of Art, which gave India some great painters. Unfortunately, despite the Shiv Sena-BJP being in power during 1995-1999, they did nothing to renovate the dilapidated building and run-down premises of the School. Hundreds of students and artists made fervent appeals to them to restore the school to its original glory. Even Balasaheb Thackeray did not insist on this project. Incidentally, Balasaheb virtually built the Sena on the strength of his brush and the cartoon weekly, Marmik, that he started in the 1960s. The Thackerays never even pursued the idea of starting an Art Academy named after Balasaheb.

The cousins split about eight years ago over the issue of who should be the real heir of the political property of the Shiv Sena. Uddhav was the son of the founder and Raj, a nephew. Uddhav is older by about five years. I happened to be present at the launch in 1966 of the Sena; as a young college student, I was immensely impressed by the provocative cartoons and strident language of the weekly Marmik.

Though Raj was younger, he entered the street politics of the Sena's students much earlier than Uddhav, sometime in the mid-eighties. He had imbibed the style and sarcasm of his uncle. Raj is a wonderful mimic too and could make no-holds-barred speeches which did not steer clear of traversing below the belt. Balasaheb was the hero; Raj was seen as an emerging leader with huge potential.

Uddhav did not take an interest in politics, and certainly not in street agit-prop activities, which were, in the pre-social-media era, a good way of catching attention. So the impression gathered within the Sena was that Raj was the "heir apparent" of Balasaheb. But Uddhav decided to make an entry into the organization in the mid-nineties. The Shiv Sena conducts its politics with rabble-rousing techniques and on the so-called "spontaneous ruckus"- known as "rada". The English press calls it "vandalism and goondaism", but the Thackerays say it is a militant expression of Marathi angst!

The point is, though Uddhav is older than Raj, the "street battlefield" experience is with his cousin. Initially, both worked together under the leadership of Balasaheb. The Sena-BJP alliance came to power in 1995. But that victory had the backdrop of the demolition of the Babri Masjid and the Hindu frenzy it generated. The riots of 1992-93 were followed by serial bomb blasts. The Marathi "asmita" then also merged with the Hindu identity. That victory of the saffron alliance emboldened the Sena. Uddhav too decided to give up his diffidence. Balasaheb then decided to annoint Uddhav as his successor and the friction began.

It increased as the alliance could not come back to power in 1999. Between 1999 and 2004, for about five years, Raj began to get marginalized in the organization. His "comrades" from his street-fighting years were denied tickets or importance. Uddhav had established his command and his decisions had the blessings of Balasaheb.

The saffron alliance lost again in 2004, when most polls had given them a small but sure victory. First, Narayan Rane raised the banner of revolt, questioning Uddhav's leadership. He left the Sena with his followers.

That dent in the organization gave Raj an opportunity and also the confidence that he too could walk away and show Uddhav his "place". Raj declared his dissatisfaction with Uddhav publicly in 2005 and then in 2006 formed his own Maharashtra Navnirman Sena. Instantly, he created a stunning impact as young boys and girls thronged to his charismatic speeches. Indeed, in the 2009 election, when the MNS won as many as 13 seats, Raj began to see himself as a kingmaker, if not as a king.

This year, ahead of the national election, he was the first to eulogize Narendra Modi and convinced himself that he, with Modi's support, could come to power.

That dream was shattered - the Sena did not split with the BJP for the Lok Sabha election. But the massive victory of the BJP in the national election and the Sena winning 18 seats changed the perceptions and equations. Raj had not won a single seat (lost all deposits instead) for the Lok Sabha seats his party contested.

Narendra Modi and Amit Shah then chose to snap ties with the Sena for the state election. Again, the gamble paid off. Though the Sena won 63 seats, the BJP won almost double that number and Raj won only one seat.

Both were seen together yesterday on Bala Saheb's death anniversary - leading to new talk of a possible easing of hostilities, though such speculation is cyclical in Maharashtra.

The Sena tiger has lost its teeth and the cub, Raj, has lost its fangs. Can humiliated cats roar again? And moreover, can both the cousins overcome their own egos and join hands? That could be the only way for them to have some sort of relevance in the political jungle.

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