There is no denying the fact that Arvind Kejriwal and Nitish Kumar are extremely fond of each other. The body language of the two at recent meetings has conveyed a lot more than it concealed. But it is also true that this relationship is born out of the extra-ordinary times that AAP and the country is living in. These are not normal times. The forefathers of the idea of India would never have thought that there would one day be a majority government of the RSS at the centre.
The RSS by its DNA is not democratic. It does not believe in unity-in-diversity, which is not only the cultural construct in the Indian context but also the Nehruvian notion of federalism. It does not believe in diverse sub-nations within one nation. For the RSS, India is one nation - a Hindu nation - and diversity weakens that notion. It is for this reason that the RSS never accepts other minorities as separate cultural-religious entities; rather, it advocates that all of them are several offshoots of the main branch that is Hinduism and to create a Hindu Rashtra is to correct "historical mistakes" and to mitigate the "weaknesses" which have crept in the body and soul of India and which in their opinion are the fundamental reason for the colonial rule for centuries. Modern historians categorise British rule as colonial rule, but the RSS paints the entire medieval era as colonial. Modi's tendency of the centralization of power and his advocacy of a strong centre is the product of the RSS's vision and version of a strong Hindu nation.
The 2014 parliamentary elections provided the moment that the RSS has been waiting for since its inception in 1925. Their main opponent, the Congress party, was hugely discredited and its leadership had never appeared as weak. But this was also the time when a phenomenon called Arvind Kejriwal and the Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) came to the fore and stood in the path of that grand "project" which the RSS had cherished for so long. Starting December 2013 and till mid- February 2014, Arvind Kejriwal eclipsed the rising star and the hope of new India, Narendra Modi. The media was going gaga over Kejriwal and newspapers were terming the AAP victory a "revolution". I have been told this when Modi panicked and thought that he would not be able to fulfill his ambition to be Prime Minister.
But Kejriwal resigned, and, as the cliche goes - "the rest is history". Even after his resignation, Kejriwal's decision to contest the elections against Modi in Varanasi and the entire narrative of the campaign being anti-Modi and anti- RSS convinced Modi and the RSS leadership that this new political force might jeopardize their plans. AAP has the potential to create an existential crisis for the RSS. The consistent and vitriolic attack on AAP and its government in Delhi should be viewed in this context. AAP believes that the idea of RSS is fascist in its very nature and dangerous for the unity of the India. It is the historical responsibility of AAP and Kejriwal to educate the people of India about the true intent of Modi and the RSS's agenda.
The tremendous loss faced by Modi and the BJP in Delhi in December's state election has diminished the aura of invincibility which he had acquired after winning many consecutive assembly elections. If he loses Bihar, his stature will be reduced to that of any other top grade political leader. He will be one among equals. His charm and the alleged allure of the RSS ideology to the middle class will get a severe beating. It is incumbent on all the modern-secular-liberal-democratic forces who believe in "unity-in-diversity" to contribute their bit and defeat the forces of fascism.
AAP is a historic movement. It has a historic responsibility. Its agenda is to build a new India, a modern-secular-liberal-democratic India. Those who think that AAP is going to forge a political alliance with Nitish and Kejriwal asking for votes for him, are living in a fool's paradise. AAP will not compromise with its ideals. AAP right now is a small political party, but it has a national appeal. Its endeavour is to convert its national appeal into a national alternative, and for this we have to build a robust organisation in every state including Bihar. We know that the RSS will spread rumours and propaganda, but I want to clear five things that will guide our role during the Bihar assembly elections.
1. AAP believes that Modi/RSS is dangerous for the country and should be defeated.
2. AAP will not enter any kind of alliance with any political party or leader including Nitish Kumar.
3. AAP will not ask voters to vote for any party or individual including Nitish Kumar.
4. AAP and its leaders, including Kejriwal, will not campaign for or share any dais for electoral purposes with any other party.
5. If Kejriwal is called as a Chief Minister for any official function, then courtesies and formal niceties will be performed.
Beyond this nothing should be read between the affection and interaction of the two leaders. Being in a different political party does not mean political entities should not meet or interact with each other, but this interaction should not be construed as any kind of compromise with the idea or ideology to which one adheres. We should also not lose the sense of history and history demands that AAP should play its historical role in Bihar and AAP will not shy away from its responsibility.
(Ashutosh joined the Aam Aadmi Party in January 2014.)Disclaimer: The opinions expressed within this article are the personal opinions of the author. The facts and opinions appearing in the article do not reflect the views of NDTV and NDTV does not assume any responsibility or liability for the same.