Washington: The civil rights movement will come alive in song at the White House on Wednesday night, when President Barack Obama plans to celebrate Black History Month with a star-studded concert.
And it came alive in quiet conversation on Martin Luther King's Birthday, when Obama installed a rare signed copy of the Emancipation Proclamation in the Oval Office and invited a small group of African-American elders and young people in for a private viewing.
The two events - a televised extravaganza with celebrities like Morgan Freeman and Queen Latifah, and an intimate discussion with people like Dorothy Height, the 97-year-old chairwoman of the National Council of Negro Women - reflect the nuances in Obama's handling of the often incendiary issue of race in America. He is using his platform to advance racial consciousness, even as he has steered clear of putting race front and center in his administration.
It is a balancing act that has frustrated some black leaders and scholars, who are starting to challenge his language and policies.
On Capitol Hill, members of the Congressional Black Caucus have expressed irritation that Obama has not created programs tailored specifically to African-Americans, who are suffering disproportionately in the recession. In December, some of them threatened to oppose new financial rules for banks until the White House promised to address the needs of minorities.
"I don't think we expected anything to change overnight because we had an African-American in the White House, but the fact still remains that we've got a constituency that is suffering," said Rep. Elijah Cummings, D-Md. "I think he could do more, and he will do more."
Some black scholars say Obama has failed to lead on the race issue. The Kirwan Institute, which studies race and ethnicity, is convening a conference on Thursday to offer policy prescriptions. After analyzing the State of the Union address, the institute's scholars warned that "continued failure to engage race would be devastating."
Michael Eric Dyson, a Georgetown University sociologist and longtime supporter of Obama, is exasperated. "All these teachable moments," he said, "but the professor refuses to come to the class."
In an interview in late December with American Urban Radio Networks, a group of black-owned stations, Obama conceded that there was "grumbling" among African-Americans, especially about his jobs policies. But he rejected the idea that he should pay special attention to them - an argument that Earl Ofari Hutchinson, a black author and political analyst, called "disingenuous at best, and an insult at worst."
Obama framed it this way: "I can't pass laws that say I'm just helping black folks. I'm the president of the United States. What I can do is make sure that I am passing laws that help all people, particularly those who are most vulnerable and most in need. That in turn is going to help lift up the African-American community."
Until now, black leaders have tended to tread lightly in criticizing Obama, and some find it painful. Black Americans remain overwhelmingly supportive of Obama; a recent ABC News poll found that 96 percent approve of his job performance.
But Elinor Tatum, the editor and publisher of the black-owned Amsterdam News, says that if blacks were asked "is he doing a good job for African-Americans," his numbers would be lower.
"Every time someone brings up an issue that affects blacks, he says that's an issue that affects all of America," Tatum said. "But at the same time, if he were of a different race or ethnicity, he would be playing to the black community. So there's a double standard there. Should we be the victims in that?"
The conventional wisdom about Obama is that he tries to duck the issue of race, but close advisers say he is acutely aware of his role as the first African-American president and is trying to advance racial consciousness in constructive ways.
Many black leaders view this as wise. The Rev. Al Sharpton, who is working with Obama to close the achievement gap in education, says the president is smart not to ballyhoo "a black agenda."
Instead, Obama has been trying to shine a spotlight on the history that laid the foundation for his presidency, with events like Wednesday's concert and the King holiday event, which offer a peek into his style.
Valerie Jarrett, a senior adviser to the president, said the King event was intended as "an intergenerational conversation" in which guests could share their experiences in a "safe and private moment." Before the Oval Office tour, they gathered in the Roosevelt Room and Obama invited each to speak.
Height began with the story of her first encounter with the young Martin Luther King Jr., then 15 and trying, she said, to "analyze his own thoughts as he was trying to determine whether he wanted to enter the ministry, education or law."
A local pastor, John Pinkard, recounted his dinner with King decades ago.
Participants said the session seemed as much for the president's benefit as their own.
"My impression was that it was deliberately something for him and for Michelle, and that it was kind of like medicine, it was healing for them," said the historian Taylor Branch, who also attended. "It seemed to answer something personal for them."
Race, of course, can be an incendiary issue in American politics: as a candidate, the biracial Obama was criticized as either too black or not black enough. He addressed the topic memorably in a speech in Philadelphia after the controversy involving his former pastor, the Rev. Jeremiah A. Wright Jr.
Jarrett said, "He has communicated quite clearly his thoughts on the subject."
As president, Obama learned the pitfalls of talking bluntly about race. His comment that police officers in Cambridge, Mass., "acted stupidly" when they arrested a prominent black Harvard professor, Henry Louis Gates, sparked an uproar, and the ensuing "beer summit" at the White House proved a distraction.
Charles Ogletree, a Harvard law professor who represented Gates and is close to Obama, said the president had never hesitated to talk about race but is more scripted now. "I think there is a carefulness - not a reluctance - but a carefulness about what should be said going forward," he said.
Ogletree said he "finds puzzling the idea that a president who happens to be black has to focus on black issues."
Height agreed. Having counseled every president since Franklin D. Roosevelt on matters of race, she made a plea in a recent interview for Obama to be left alone.
"We have never sat down and said to the 43 other presidents: 'How does it feel to be a Caucasian? How do you feel as a white president? Tell me what that means to you,' " Height said. "I am not one to think that he should do more for his people than for other people. I want him to be free to be himself."
And it came alive in quiet conversation on Martin Luther King's Birthday, when Obama installed a rare signed copy of the Emancipation Proclamation in the Oval Office and invited a small group of African-American elders and young people in for a private viewing.
The two events - a televised extravaganza with celebrities like Morgan Freeman and Queen Latifah, and an intimate discussion with people like Dorothy Height, the 97-year-old chairwoman of the National Council of Negro Women - reflect the nuances in Obama's handling of the often incendiary issue of race in America. He is using his platform to advance racial consciousness, even as he has steered clear of putting race front and center in his administration.
On Capitol Hill, members of the Congressional Black Caucus have expressed irritation that Obama has not created programs tailored specifically to African-Americans, who are suffering disproportionately in the recession. In December, some of them threatened to oppose new financial rules for banks until the White House promised to address the needs of minorities.
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Some black scholars say Obama has failed to lead on the race issue. The Kirwan Institute, which studies race and ethnicity, is convening a conference on Thursday to offer policy prescriptions. After analyzing the State of the Union address, the institute's scholars warned that "continued failure to engage race would be devastating."
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In an interview in late December with American Urban Radio Networks, a group of black-owned stations, Obama conceded that there was "grumbling" among African-Americans, especially about his jobs policies. But he rejected the idea that he should pay special attention to them - an argument that Earl Ofari Hutchinson, a black author and political analyst, called "disingenuous at best, and an insult at worst."
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Until now, black leaders have tended to tread lightly in criticizing Obama, and some find it painful. Black Americans remain overwhelmingly supportive of Obama; a recent ABC News poll found that 96 percent approve of his job performance.
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"Every time someone brings up an issue that affects blacks, he says that's an issue that affects all of America," Tatum said. "But at the same time, if he were of a different race or ethnicity, he would be playing to the black community. So there's a double standard there. Should we be the victims in that?"
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Many black leaders view this as wise. The Rev. Al Sharpton, who is working with Obama to close the achievement gap in education, says the president is smart not to ballyhoo "a black agenda."
Instead, Obama has been trying to shine a spotlight on the history that laid the foundation for his presidency, with events like Wednesday's concert and the King holiday event, which offer a peek into his style.
Valerie Jarrett, a senior adviser to the president, said the King event was intended as "an intergenerational conversation" in which guests could share their experiences in a "safe and private moment." Before the Oval Office tour, they gathered in the Roosevelt Room and Obama invited each to speak.
Height began with the story of her first encounter with the young Martin Luther King Jr., then 15 and trying, she said, to "analyze his own thoughts as he was trying to determine whether he wanted to enter the ministry, education or law."
A local pastor, John Pinkard, recounted his dinner with King decades ago.
Participants said the session seemed as much for the president's benefit as their own.
"My impression was that it was deliberately something for him and for Michelle, and that it was kind of like medicine, it was healing for them," said the historian Taylor Branch, who also attended. "It seemed to answer something personal for them."
Race, of course, can be an incendiary issue in American politics: as a candidate, the biracial Obama was criticized as either too black or not black enough. He addressed the topic memorably in a speech in Philadelphia after the controversy involving his former pastor, the Rev. Jeremiah A. Wright Jr.
Jarrett said, "He has communicated quite clearly his thoughts on the subject."
As president, Obama learned the pitfalls of talking bluntly about race. His comment that police officers in Cambridge, Mass., "acted stupidly" when they arrested a prominent black Harvard professor, Henry Louis Gates, sparked an uproar, and the ensuing "beer summit" at the White House proved a distraction.
Charles Ogletree, a Harvard law professor who represented Gates and is close to Obama, said the president had never hesitated to talk about race but is more scripted now. "I think there is a carefulness - not a reluctance - but a carefulness about what should be said going forward," he said.
Ogletree said he "finds puzzling the idea that a president who happens to be black has to focus on black issues."
Height agreed. Having counseled every president since Franklin D. Roosevelt on matters of race, she made a plea in a recent interview for Obama to be left alone.
"We have never sat down and said to the 43 other presidents: 'How does it feel to be a Caucasian? How do you feel as a white president? Tell me what that means to you,' " Height said. "I am not one to think that he should do more for his people than for other people. I want him to be free to be himself."
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