House Majority Leader Eric Cantor, delivers his concession
Richmond, Virginia:
Majority Leader Eric Cantor, the second-most powerful man in the House of Representatives, was dethroned Tuesday by a little-known, tea party-backed Republican primary challenger who rolled to victory on a wave of public anger over calls for looser immigration laws, in one of the most stunning upsets in modern American politics.
Cantor's loss to political science professor David Brat was the first primary setback for a leader in Congress in recent years. Former House Speaker Thomas Foley of Washington state and Senate Democratic leader Tom Daschle of South Dakota both lost their seats at the polls in the past two decades, but they fell to Republicans, not to primary challengers.
The victory was by far the biggest of the 2014 campaign season for the tea party movement which advocates reducing the federal deficit through deep spending cuts but opposes tax increases. Tea party supporters also forced veteran Mississippi Sen. Thad Cochran into a June 24 runoff and hope State Sen. Chris McDaniel can prevail then.
The outcome may well mark the end of Cantor's political career, but its impact on the fate of immigration legislation in the current Congress seemed clearer still. Conservatives will now be emboldened in their opposition to legislation to create a path to citizenship for immigrants living in the country illegally, and party leaders who are more sympathetic to such legislation will likely be less willing to try.
Cantor's repudiation was complete in an area that first sent him to Congress in 2000, even though he had support from establishment groups that enabled him to outspend his political novice rival by a wide margin.
With votes counted in 99 percent of the precincts, 64,418 votes were cast, roughly a 37 percent increase over two years ago.
Despite that, Cantor polled fewer votes than he did in 2012 - 28,631 this time, compared with 37,369 then.
"This is a miracle from God that just happened," exulted Brat, as his victory became clear in the congressional district around Richmond.
Speaking to downcast supporters, Cantor conceded, his wife, Diane, at his side. "Obviously we came up short."
Jay S. Poole, a Cantor volunteer, said Brat tapped into widespread frustration among voters about the gridlock in Washington and issues such as immigration. "I can't tell you how amazing this is to me," Poole said.
Much of the campaign centered on immigration, where critics on both sides of the debate have recently taken aim at Cantor. Brat accused him of being a top cheerleader for "amnesty" for immigrants who are living in the U.S. illegally. Cantor responded forcefully by mailing out fliers boasting of blocking Senate plans "to give illegal aliens amnesty."
It was a change in tone for Cantor, who has repeatedly voiced support for giving citizenship to certain immigrants brought illegally to the country as children. Cantor and House Republican leaders have advocated a step-by-step approach, rather than the comprehensive bill backed by the Senate - but were persistently vague on the details. But they have made no move to bring legislation to a vote and appear increasingly unlikely to act this year.
Last month, a feisty crowd of Brat supporters booed Cantor in front of his family at a local party convention.
"If I had my way, I wish everybody in Congress and the Senate would be gone and we would start fresh," said Brat voter Henry Moriconi, 70, of Henrico County, who expressed frustration that Congress has been unable to confront issues such as the federal deficit.
Brat teaches at Randolph-Macon College, a small liberal arts school north of Richmond. He raised just over $200,000 for his campaign, while Cantor spent more than $1 million in April and May alone to try to beat back his challenge.
Washington-based groups also spent heavily in the race. The American Chemistry Council, whose members include many blue chip companies, spent more than $300,000 on TV ads promoting Cantor in the group's only independent expenditure so far this election year. Political arms of the American College of Radiology, the National Rifle Association and the National Association of Realtors also spent money on ads to promote Cantor.
Brat offset the cash disadvantage with endorsements from conservative activists like radio host Laura Ingraham and with help from local tea party activists angry at Cantor.
"Eric Cantor's loss tonight is an apocalyptic moment for the GOP establishment," said ForAmerica Chairman Brent Bozell, a conservative leader who advises several tea party groups. "The grassroots is in revolt and marching."
Cantor, who is the most prominent Jewish Republican leader, has been the House majority leader since 2011.
Tiffs between the Republican Party establishment and tea party factions have flared in Virginia since tea party favorite Ken Cuccinelli lost last year's gubernatorial race. Cantor supporters have met with stiff resistance in trying to wrest control of the state party away from tea party enthusiasts, including in Cantor's home district.
Last Saturday, Democrats picked Jack Trammell as their nominee for the general election in the 7th District. He is an associate professor of Sociology at Randolph-Macon College, the same school where Brat teaches.
Cantor's loss to political science professor David Brat was the first primary setback for a leader in Congress in recent years. Former House Speaker Thomas Foley of Washington state and Senate Democratic leader Tom Daschle of South Dakota both lost their seats at the polls in the past two decades, but they fell to Republicans, not to primary challengers.
The victory was by far the biggest of the 2014 campaign season for the tea party movement which advocates reducing the federal deficit through deep spending cuts but opposes tax increases. Tea party supporters also forced veteran Mississippi Sen. Thad Cochran into a June 24 runoff and hope State Sen. Chris McDaniel can prevail then.
The outcome may well mark the end of Cantor's political career, but its impact on the fate of immigration legislation in the current Congress seemed clearer still. Conservatives will now be emboldened in their opposition to legislation to create a path to citizenship for immigrants living in the country illegally, and party leaders who are more sympathetic to such legislation will likely be less willing to try.
Cantor's repudiation was complete in an area that first sent him to Congress in 2000, even though he had support from establishment groups that enabled him to outspend his political novice rival by a wide margin.
With votes counted in 99 percent of the precincts, 64,418 votes were cast, roughly a 37 percent increase over two years ago.
Despite that, Cantor polled fewer votes than he did in 2012 - 28,631 this time, compared with 37,369 then.
"This is a miracle from God that just happened," exulted Brat, as his victory became clear in the congressional district around Richmond.
Speaking to downcast supporters, Cantor conceded, his wife, Diane, at his side. "Obviously we came up short."
Jay S. Poole, a Cantor volunteer, said Brat tapped into widespread frustration among voters about the gridlock in Washington and issues such as immigration. "I can't tell you how amazing this is to me," Poole said.
Much of the campaign centered on immigration, where critics on both sides of the debate have recently taken aim at Cantor. Brat accused him of being a top cheerleader for "amnesty" for immigrants who are living in the U.S. illegally. Cantor responded forcefully by mailing out fliers boasting of blocking Senate plans "to give illegal aliens amnesty."
It was a change in tone for Cantor, who has repeatedly voiced support for giving citizenship to certain immigrants brought illegally to the country as children. Cantor and House Republican leaders have advocated a step-by-step approach, rather than the comprehensive bill backed by the Senate - but were persistently vague on the details. But they have made no move to bring legislation to a vote and appear increasingly unlikely to act this year.
Last month, a feisty crowd of Brat supporters booed Cantor in front of his family at a local party convention.
"If I had my way, I wish everybody in Congress and the Senate would be gone and we would start fresh," said Brat voter Henry Moriconi, 70, of Henrico County, who expressed frustration that Congress has been unable to confront issues such as the federal deficit.
Brat teaches at Randolph-Macon College, a small liberal arts school north of Richmond. He raised just over $200,000 for his campaign, while Cantor spent more than $1 million in April and May alone to try to beat back his challenge.
Washington-based groups also spent heavily in the race. The American Chemistry Council, whose members include many blue chip companies, spent more than $300,000 on TV ads promoting Cantor in the group's only independent expenditure so far this election year. Political arms of the American College of Radiology, the National Rifle Association and the National Association of Realtors also spent money on ads to promote Cantor.
Brat offset the cash disadvantage with endorsements from conservative activists like radio host Laura Ingraham and with help from local tea party activists angry at Cantor.
"Eric Cantor's loss tonight is an apocalyptic moment for the GOP establishment," said ForAmerica Chairman Brent Bozell, a conservative leader who advises several tea party groups. "The grassroots is in revolt and marching."
Cantor, who is the most prominent Jewish Republican leader, has been the House majority leader since 2011.
Tiffs between the Republican Party establishment and tea party factions have flared in Virginia since tea party favorite Ken Cuccinelli lost last year's gubernatorial race. Cantor supporters have met with stiff resistance in trying to wrest control of the state party away from tea party enthusiasts, including in Cantor's home district.
Last Saturday, Democrats picked Jack Trammell as their nominee for the general election in the 7th District. He is an associate professor of Sociology at Randolph-Macon College, the same school where Brat teaches.
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